Appalachian English
Appalachian English is a variant of American English native to the Appalachian mountain region of the Eastern United States. Historically, the term "Appalachian dialect" refers to a local English variety of southern Appalachia, also known as Smoky Mountain English or Southern Mountain English in the United States, both influential upon and influenced by the Southern U.S. regional dialect, which has become predominant in central and southern Appalachia today, while a Western Pennsylvania regional dialect has become predominant in northern Appalachia. The 2006 Atlas of North American English identifies the "Inland South,” a dialect sub-region in which the Southern U.S. dialect's defining vowel shift is the most developed, as centering squarely in southern Appalachia: namely, the cities of Knoxville and Chattanooga, Tennessee; Birmingham, Alabama; and Asheville, North Carolina. All Appalachian English is rhotic and characterized by distinct phonology, morphology, syntax, and lexicon. It is mostly oral but its features are also sometimes represented in literary works.
Extensive research has been conducted since the 1930s to determine the origin of the Appalachian dialect. One popular theory is that the dialect is a preserved remnant of 16th-century English in isolation, though a far more accurate comparison would be to 18th-century English. Regardless, the Appalachian dialect studied within the last century, like most dialects, actually shows a mix of both older and newer features.
Appalachian English has long been criticized both within and outside of the speaking area as an inferior dialect, which is often mistakenly attributed to supposed laziness, lack of education, or the region's relative isolation. American writers throughout the 20th century have used the dialect as the chosen speech of uneducated and unsophisticated characters, though research has largely disproven these stereotypes; however, due to prejudice, the use of the Appalachian dialect is still often an impediment to educational and social advancement.
Along with these pejorative associations, there has been much debate as to whether Appalachian English is an actual dialect. Many researchers believe that it is more a part of the Southern dialect region as it shares many components with it. Others believe that it is its own dialect with results coming from differing lexical variables. Appalachian English does include many similar grammatical components as the Midland dialect.
Phonology
Phonetics
- The Southern Shift and Southern Drawl: A vowel shift known as the Southern Shift, which largely defines the speech of most of the Southern United States, is the most developed both in Texas English and here in Appalachian English. This involves several unique vowel changes, in three complex stages:
- * Stage 1: In the diphthong, the second half of the diphthong is often omitted, and it is thus pronounced similar to.. In extreme instances, words such as "wire," "fire," "tire," and "hired" are pronounced so as to sound completely identical to the words "war," "far," "tar," and "hard" respectively.
- * Stage 2: The diphthong begins further back and open in the mouth, so that, for example, fish bait and old lace in this dialect may sound to other English speakers more like fish bite and old lice. The vowel then moves in the opposite direction and acquires a "drawl" or longer, glide-like sound quality, so that red may be said to sound more like ray-ud or rih-yud. Stage 2 is most common in heavily stressed syllables.
- *Stage 3: The vowel is pronounced higher in the mouth and with a drawl, so that hit may be said to sound like hee-it. Conversely, the vowel lowers and then glides up again, so that feet may sound more like fih-eet or fuh-eet. Stage 3 is most common in heavily stressed syllables.
- Lax and tense vowels often neutralize before, making pairs like feel/fill and fail/fell homophones for speakers in some areas. Some speakers may distinguish between the two sets of words by reversing the normal vowel sound, e.g., feel may sound like fill, and vice versa.
- Short "i" and short "e" have the same pronunciation when appearing before "n" or "m". Adjectives are often used to distinguish between the two.
Phonemic incidence
- An epenthetic occurs in some words such as wash, leading to the pronunciation.
- An "-er" sound is often used for long "o" at the end of a word. For example, hollow— "a small, sheltered valley"— is pronounced, homophonous with holler. Other examples are "potato", "tomato", and "tobacco".
- H retention occurs at the beginning of certain words. It, in particular, is pronounced hit at the beginning of a sentence and also when emphasized. The word "ain't" is pronounced hain't.
- Participles and gerunds such as doing and mining end in instead of. While this occurs to some extent in all dialects of American English, it possibly occurs with greater frequency in Southern Appalachia.
- Word final a is sometimes pronounced, as in okra.
- Intervocalic s in greasy is pronounced, as in other Southern American and some British speech. A related matter: The noun "grease" is pronounced with an "s," but this consonant turns into a "z" in the adjective and in the verb "to grease."
- People who live in the Appalachian dialect area or elsewhere in the South pronounce the word Appalachia with a short "a" sound in the third syllable, or, while those who live outside of the Appalachian dialect area or at its outer edges tend to pronounce it with a long "a" sound,.
Grammar
Conjugation of the verb "to be"
The conjugation of the verb "to be" is different from that of standard English in several ways, and sometimes more than one form of the verb "to be" is acceptable in Appalachian English.Divergence from standard English conjugation of the verb "to be" occurs with the highest frequency in the past tense, where grammatically plural subjects also take the singular form "was" rather than "were". Thus, the paradigm of the verb "to be" in Appalachian English more closely resembles the paradigm for other non-"be" verbs in English, where the past tense takes a single form, regardless of number or person.
The use of the word ain't is also one of the most salient features of this dialect. While "ain't" is used to some extent in most American English dialects, it is used with much greater frequency in the Appalachian dialect. Similarly, the phrase "it is" frequently appeared as "it are" in Appalachian English as late as the mid-twentieth century.
Conjugation among other verb types
While the greatest amount of divergence in subject-verb concord occurs in the past tense of the verb 'to be', certain types of plural subjects have an effect on concord across various types of verbs. However, plural subjects continue to show the greatest frequency of non-concord. The example below is taken from :Conjoined noun phrases:
- "Me and my sister gets into a fight sometimes."
- "A boy and his daddy was a-huntin'."
- "Some people makes it from fat off a pig."
- "People's not concerned."
- "...no matter what their parents has taught 'em."
- "The cars was all tore up."
- "There's different breeds of 'em."
- "There was 5 in our family."
A-''verb''-ing (''a''-prefixing)
Phonological rules and restrictions apply to a-prefixing; for example, it can only occur with verbs accented on the initial syllable: a-fóllowin but not a-discóverin or a-retírin. Moreover, it cannot occur on –ing forms functioning as nouns or adjectives; the forms must function as verbs. Thus, sentences like the movie was a-charmin are ungrammatical. 'A' can only be a prefix of verbs or complements of verbs with –ing.
However, the a-prefix may not be attached to a verb which begins with an unstressed syllable, such as discover or retire.
While much less frequent or productive, the a-prefix can also occur on participles ending in -ed, such as "a-haunted"
The a-prefix has been found to occur most frequently in more animated or vivid narratives, as a stylistic device.
Studies suggest that a-prefixing is more common with older speakers and might therefore disappear completely in a few years. Because of the considerable difference of a-prefixing frequency according to age, Walt Wolfram supports the " contention that a-prefixing is a phenomenon that is dying out in Appalachia".
A-prefixing can be traced back to the 16th century: The construction reached its height from 1500-1700 and developed out of using the preposition "on" and a verbal noun ending in -ing. Only used in formal and educated writing in the 17th century, it became nonstandard in the 18th century. Montgomery argues that a-prefixing developed from the preposition "an"/"on" in Early Middle English and suggests that it arose from the loss of the -n from "on" in examples like "hee set before his eyes king Henrie the eight with all his Lordes on hunting in his forrest at Windsore".
Other verb forms
- Sometimes the past participle of a strong verb such as "do" is used in place of the past tense. For example, "I done it already" instead of "I did it already" or in the case of the verb "see," "I seen" instead of "I saw." "Went" is often used instead of "gone" as the past participle of the verb "to go." She had went to Ashland. Less frequently, "gone" is used as the simple past tense. I gone down to the meeting, but wasn't nobody there. "Done" is used with the past tense to express action just completed, as in, "I done went/gone to the store".
- Some English strong verbs are occasionally conjugated as weak verbs in Appalachian English, e.g. "knowed," and "seed."
- The construction "don't...no" is used with transitive verbs to indicate the negative, e.g. "He don't know no better." This is commonly referred to as the double negative, and is either negative or emphatically negative, never positive. "None" is often used in place of "any," as in "I don't have none."
- Verb forms for the verb "to lay" are used instead of forms of the verb "to lie." For example, "Lay down and hush."
- "Might could" is sometimes used where a speaker of standard English would say, "might be able to" or "could maybe."
- Measurements such as "foot" and "mile" often retain their singular form even when used in the plural sense. For example, "That stick is 3 foot long", or "We need 6 foot of drywall". "Foot" in the singular is standard in UK English.
Double nouns
Pronouns and demonstratives
"Them" is sometimes used in place of "those" as a demonstrative in both nominative and oblique constructions. Examples are "Them are the pants I want" and "Give me some of them crackers."Oblique forms of the personal pronouns are used as nominative when more than one is used. For example, "Me and him are real good friends" instead of "He and I are really good friends." Accusative case personal pronouns are used as reflexives in situations which, in American English, do not typically demand them. The -self/-selves forms are used almost exclusively as emphatics, and then often in non-standard forms. Second person pronouns are often retained as subjects in imperative sentences.
Other grammatical forms
'Liketa'
In Appalachian English, the form 'liketa' functions as an adverb and occurs before the past form of a verb. 'Liketa' carries a meaning similar to "on the verge of" or "came so close that I really thought x would", where x is the subject of the verb.- "I liketa never went to sleep last night."
- "And I knew what I'd done and boy it liketa scared me to death."
Other
- Pronouns and adjectives are sometimes combined with "'un", such as "young'un" to mean "child," "big'un" to mean "big one," and "you'uns" to mean "you all." "Young'n'" and "'big'n'" also are common invernacular northern British English.
- The word element "-ever" is sometimes reversed in words such as "whatever", "whoever", and "however", but the usage remains the same.
- The word right can be used with adjectives and along with its standard use with adverbs, can also be used with adverbs of manner and time. That is an acceptable formation in some areas of British English.
Vocabulary
The following is a list of words which occur in the Appalachian dialect. These words are not exclusive to the region, but tend to occur with greater frequency than in other English dialects:
- afeared — afraid
- airish — cool, chilly
- ary/ary'ne — any
- bald — a treeless mountain summit
- ball-hoot — to drive recklessly fast on dangerous rural or mountain roads; derived from an old logging term for rolling or skidding logs downhill
- blinds — window shades or window shutters. While blinds usually refers to window shades, in Appalachia and the greater Midland dialect, it can also refer to window shutters.
- blinked — sour, rotten
- boomer — a small red squirrel
- brickle — brittle
- buggy — shopping cart
- caps — popcorn
- cat-head — a large biscuit
- britches - pants; a derivation of the proper word "breeches"
- chancy — doubtful
- chaw — a wad of chewing tobacco
- clean — a verb modifier which is used to mean entirely completing an action; can be used in place of 'all the way'; e.g., "He knocked it clean off the table."
- coke — short for Coca-Cola, but applied to all flavored, carbonated sodas, regardless of brand, flavor or type. Coke is used primarily in the southern half of the dialect region, whereas pop receives more usage in southern Ohio, Eastern Kentucky, West Virginia and most of Southwest Virginia.
- Co'-cola — colloquial term for Coca-Cola, but used in the same sense as coke above.
- cornpone — skillet cornbread made without eggs
- counterpane — bedspread
- cove — a valley between two ridges
- discomfit — to inconvenience
- directly — later, after a while; when it becomes convenient, soon, immediately
- dope — soda
- fireboard — mantel
- fit — used in replacement of 'fought'
- fixin —
- *a serving or helping of food; e.g., "Can I get a fixin' of fritters?"
- *an event, party or social function where food is served; e.g., "They're having a fixin' in the hall next Friday."
- *about to; e.g., "They're fixin' to get hitched."
- flannel cake — pancake
- gaum — mess; used as a noun and a transitive verb; e.g., 'to gaum up'.
- haint — used in the context of 'ghost, spirit', and not the derivation of ain't.
- holler — hollow, as in a valley between two hills; e.g., "I continue to travel between hollers and cities."
- hull — to shell, as in to shell beans
- ill — bad-tempered
- jacket — a vest
- jarfly — cicada
- jasper — acquaintance
- kyarn — carrion; dead flesh, such as roadkill; e.g., "That smells like kyarn."
- kindly — kind of, sort of; e.g., "Just kindly give it a little twist when you throw."
- lamp oil/coal oil — kerosene
- lay out — to be truant; e.g., 'to lay out of school', 'to lay out of work'
- meeting — a gathering of people for religious purposes
- nary/nary'ne — none
- palings — fence posts
- peckerwood — a disliked person
- piece — distance; e.g., "He'd have went up the road a piece to get on the main road."; also refers to a snack
- plum/plumb — completely; e.g., "Son, you're plum crazy."
- poke — a brown paper bag
- poke sallet/salat/salit — a type of salad made from boiled greens
- pokestock/polkstalk — a single shot shotgun; historically a rifle with an unusually long barrel popular with Kentucky frontiersmen
- pop — see coke above
- quare — queer, strange, odd; completely unrelated to sexuality; e.g., "He's shore a quare 'un."
- reckon — to suppose; e.g., "I reckon you don't like soup beans."
- right smart — good deal of; e.g., 'a right smart piece'
- scald — poor land, bad land
- sigogglin — not built correctly, crooked, out of balance
- skift — a dusting of snow
- slap — full, complete; e.g., "A fall in the river, which went slap-right and straight down."
- smart — hard-working, 'work-brickle'; e.g., "She's a smart womern—always a-cleanin and a-sewin and a-cookin fer 'er famly."
- sop — gravy
- springhouse — a building; usually positioned over a spring used for refrigeration before the advent of refrigerators
- sugar tree — sugar maple tree
- swan/swanny — to swear, to declare to be true
- toboggan — a knit hat or tuque; rarely used to describe a type of sled
- tote — to carry
- tow sack — burlap sack
- whistle pig — groundhog
- yonder/yander — a directional adverb meaning distant from both the speaker and the listener; e.g., "Look over yonder."
Origins
Beliefs about Appalachia's isolation led to the early suggestion that the dialect was a surviving relic of long-forgotten forms of English. The most enduring of these early theories suggested that the Appalachian dialect was a remnant of Elizabethan English, a theory popularized by Berea College president William Goddell Frost in the late 1800s. However, while Shakespearean words occasionally appear in Appalachian speech, these occurrences are rare.
Examples of archaic phrases include the use of might could for might be able to, the use of "'un" with pronouns and adjectives, the use of "done" as a helping verb, and the use of words such as airish, brickle, swan, and bottom land all of which were common in Southern and Central England in 17th and 18th centuries. The use of double negatives wasn't uncommon in England during the 17th and 18th centuries. Similarly the use of "it are" in place of "it is" was common among the rural population of Southern England and the English region of the Midlands in the 1500s, 1600s and 1700s was correspondingly common amongst British colonists, in particular English colonists in the original thirteen colonies, usually pronounced as "it err". The phrase fell out of use in England sometime in the early 1800s, however it remained in use in the Appalachia region of North America until the mid-to-late twentieth century.
Similarly, the use of the "a-" prefix and the attachment of "-ed" to certain verbs, originated in South England. Some speech habits which can be traced back to the rural areas of Southern and Central England include the h-retention, the use of the word right in the place of rather, and the presence of words such as yonder. Similarly the word "afeared" was common in Southern England and the Midlands throughout the 1500s, 1600s and 1700s, though fell out of use in the early 1800s when it was supplanted in literary English after 1700 by the word "afraid". The word was used frequently in the work of Shakespeare. In Appalachia the word simply remained in use and did not get completely supplanted by the word "afraid," unlike in most of the English-speaking world. Though the word "afeared" originates in Southern England and throughought the region of England known as the Midlands it is nonetheless incorrect to refer to the word "afeared" as "Elizabethan" because it was commonly used in England long after the Elizabethan era. In many older works of literature set in southern England, rural or poor characters demonstrate many of these speech habits. For example, in A Tale of Two Cities by Charles Dickens, the speech of the character Jerry Cruncher is distinguished by the frequent use of double negatives and the a- prefix, among other characteristics today associated with areas such as Appalachia.
Some pronunciation features reminiscent of those in lowland Scotland and Ulster can also be heard, such as the pin-pen merger and goose fronting, but on the whole it seems that most of the Scotch-Irish influence on the dialect can be found in vocabulary. While the Scotch-Irish and English settlers had a strong influence on the Appalachian dialect, linguistic analyses suggest that Appalachian English developed as a distinctive dialect among English-speaking people in North America. The Appalachian dialect retains a number of speech patterns found in Colonial American English but largely discarded in Standard speech, such as "r" intrusion and a "y" sound in place of "a" on the end of certain words. The southern drawl is of an unknown American origin.
Much of Appalachian English has developed independently in the Appalachian region of North America, and is not a remnant of speech derived from the British Isles, but most of what can be traced to Europe does not in fact have its origins in Scotland, Ireland or Northern England. In fact, the majority of the linguistic anachronisms found in the can be traced back to West Country, Southern England and East Anglia.
Native American influences in the Appalachian dialect are virtually nonexistent except for place names. While early settlers adopted numerous customs from tribes such as the Cherokee and Shawnee, they typically applied existing words from their own languages to those customs.
Relation to the Ozarks
The traditional Appalachian dialect spread to the Ozark Mountains in northwestern Arkansas and southwestern Missouri. Ozark and Appalachian English have been documented together as a single Southern Mountain dialect of the United States.Appalachian terms found in Ozark English include fireboard, tow sack, jarfly, and brickle and similar speech patterns also exist, such as epenthetic h, the use of the "-a" prefix, and the d-stop in place of certain "z" sounds, all of which is seen in other dialects of older Southern American English. Studies have shown that Ozark English has more in common with the dialect of East Tennessee than with the dialect of West Tennessee or even Eastern Arkansas. Other distinctive features Ozark and Appalachian English share include phonological idiosyncrasies ; certain syntactic patterns, such as the use of for to, rather than to, before infinitives in some constructions; and a number of lexical peculiarities.
Controversies surrounding Appalachian English
Many of the original ideas about linguistic boundaries in the US were proposed by Hans Kurath in 1949, but many are under discussion in modern day. When it comes to determining its specific boundaries, some linguists believe that the boundaries should be fuzzy lines, giving rough ideas of boundaries, rather than hard lines, because there is a lot of dialectic variety within these small areas that is often difficult to differentiate.The reality is a range of dialectic variants are commonplace in the Appalachian area of the country. Categorizing all of these different variants under one umbrella may actually further complicate the process of studying the variants of English within the current borders of the Appalachian dialect.
In addition to the boundary debates, Appalachian English is surrounded by stereotypical views of the area and the people living in it. Appalachia is often viewed by outsiders as a dialect of uneducated people, due largely in part to the fact that this area is perceived as being low-income and lower class. These stereotypes are often damaging to the people of this area, many of whom choose to hide or modify their accents when they visit or move to areas outside of Appalachia.
Despite all of the debates surrounding this dialect and whether or not its boundaries are legitimate and correct, to the people of Appalachia, their variety of English is central to their identities regardless of how it is seen by linguists, as well as outsiders.